The continuing farce of Palestinian elections

Way back when, I wrote about the constant delaying of Palestinian elections. They were supposed to take place last July, then October, then indefinitely postponed. It turns out, the elections are still postponed, and the CEC has meetings just to confirm and uphold the postponements.
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A tabled bill is back: Israel is the state of the Jews, by the Jews, for the Jews?

A Ha’aretz editorial brought my attention back to a bill a Kadima MK is pushing through Knesset: Basic Law: Israel — the Nation-State of the Jewish People. The bill was originally presented in August, following several years of what seemed to be efforts to strengthen the legally Jewish character of the state, such as the passage of the Nakba Law and the Loyalty Oath debacle, in which non-Jewish citizens would be required to swear allegiance to Israel as a “Jewish and democratic state.”
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I beg to differ, Your Honor

Yesterday, Judge Richard Goldstone wrote this op-ed in the New Y

ork Times. Titled “Israel and the Apartheid Slander,” the piece is devoted to defending Israel from the charge that it is an apartheid state.

Part of me thinks that the term “apartheid,” does more harm than good. It alienates people, putting moderates on the defensive. People go crazy when they hear the word in reference to Israel. Often the response is: “anti-semitism!” This debate is about as productive as the one that goes: “You’re a poopy head!”, “No you’re a poopy head!”

But, since you brought it up, your honor, I’ll engage. Continue reading

Should OWS be setting demands?

Yesterday’s Guardian ran an article on a growing controversy among the ranks of OWSers. Apparently, a working group in New York has been established to put forth a set of demands.

On Tuesday night they will hold what could be one of the most controversial mass meetings at Zuccotti Park so far when the general assembly discusses whether the movement should officially call for a massive public works programme with government employment, paid for by ending all of America’s overseas military operations.

The substance of the demand is not the subject of the controversy. Rather, it is the principle of adopting a demand, and the process for doing so, that have opened a rift between “purists”, who favour consensus-building, and those now arguing for majority rule on some decisions.

The underlying force of the movement and its ultimate goals (inasmuch as “social revolution” is a goal) come from a collective understanding that radical social upheaval (revolution) is necessary to guarantee long-term sustainability and security. But this is a long process.
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First impressions: #occupydc

Occupy DC is small, way smaller than New York. But that’s unsurprising. I saw a baton twirler I had seen in New York, though, so that was cool. Small world, I guess.

The scene in New York is a mix of “dirty hippie,” hipster Brooklyn-ite, and nondescript people of all ages, shapes, sizes, and colors.

DC is a little heavier on the “dirty hippie” thing. It doesn’t have the same sardines encampment feel, although the park is bigger and there is more grass. A much more pleasant sleeping arrangement, I can only imagine.
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What is this, Tahrir?

When Adbusters originally sounded the call for the Occupy Wall Street protests, they sold it as our “Tahrir moment.” It’s a suggestion of revolution, of upheaval, of rebirth. Is this what we’re looking at? Obviously for real change to come it will require something drastic, but Tahrir?

Though a strong selling point, it is hard to imagine this movement toppling any regimes à la Cairo. Fellow blogger and family friend Jason Stern makes the point that they are more analogous to the intermediary Kefaya (Enough) protests in Egypt; an important step, but not the penultimate. I agree that this is not the end, and that it will engender some change, but I’m not sure it is as unlike Tahrir as he assumes.

First, he suggests there is no unified demand as there was in Tahrir. This is true, but simply because it hasn’t had time to develop. There is, however, a unified grievance: corporations are not people. Adbusters’ call to arms suggests we “end the monied corruption of our democracy,” which feels to me about halfway between a grievance and a solution. In any case, in that the demand is economic equality, it will inevitably take time to coalesce into a workable suggestion.

Secondly, he presents OWS and the Tea Party as seeking opposing ends. The original Tea Party movement, stripped of its Christianity, is mostly libertarian and, like OWS, sees the systematic disenfranchising of the American worker as an egregious problem. The OWS and authentic Tea Party movements are actually very aligned in their grievances. Further, he foists upon OWS the desire to expand government and regulation. I suspect many OWSers, such as the ones who are registered Democrats, do hold this desire. In this sense, they are diametrically opposed to a libertarian stance. But OWS has its roots in an anarchic intellectualism, and as such cannot legitimately be said to be sprouted from or represent a socialistic or big-d-Democratic point of view. Honestly, OWS and the Tea Party are really on the same side. Like in Tahrir, there is unity of grievance and demand: end corporate personhood.

Lastly, he correctly suggests that the American system is designed to incorporate large-scale grievances and dissent such as these. But I don’t think he goes far enough: it’s not just that the American political system can be changed and strengthened by things like this. The civil rights movement, perhaps the only comparable contemporary movement in terms of scale and universality of grievances, didn’t just change government policy. In its process, it went a long way in changing Americans’ outlook on the world. In the same way, OWS is trying to open Americans’ eyes to an injustice against the majority of the population. The civil rights movement was a relative success not just because it changed US policy, it changed US society. OWS must, can, and will do the same — that is, fundamentally alter both society and policy — in order to succeed.

“These movements will likely fade as did Kefaya. But without serious change and reform, their ideological offspring will return with a vengeance to the streets. The result won’t be revolution like Egypt, but it will shake America’s political foundation nonetheless.”

OWSers calls for revolution could mean the overthrow of the regime of American capitalism. But revolution can also mean a change in thought, in the social order, or in ideology. Revolution does not innately require bayonets and bombs. In that sense, this is a “Tahrir moment”: a moment when an idea of revolution becomes a reality. No one is burning D.C. (at least, not yet, but don’t get any ideas). But ideas of change are burning hot and bright, and when this is over, we will have achieved a revolution of thought and social awareness.

#occupywallstreet has potential.

Can or will OWS achieve something? Yes and no.

On many levels, it already has. It has brought attention to the discontentment of and economic inequality facing thousands, and probably millions, of Americans. It has presented an alternative to the current options: The System and the Tea Party. It has created an outlet in which we can express our anger. It has brought some unity of thought and action to a hugely diverse group of people.
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Does #occupywallstreet mean something?

There is some impression from the media that the occupy wall street protestors are disorganized, are messy, are visionless, and are altogether insignificant.

But what kind of grassroots movement would it be if it wasn’t disorganized and messy, if it didn’t seem visionless at times, and how would they gain any credibility and any viable power without seeming insignificant?
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